In the mid-1260s in Paris, a dispute raged that concerned the relationship between faith and the Augustinian theological tradition on the one side and secular leaning as represented by the arrival in Latin of Aristotle and various Islamic and Jewish interpreters of Aristotle on the other. Masters of the arts faculty in Paris represented the latter tradition, indicated by the phrase "double truth theory." In 1269, Thomas Aquinas wrote the polemical work On There Being Only One Intellect, Against the (...) Averroists (De unitate intellectus contra averroistas). Thomas is intent on countering two views: first, that intellect is not a faculty of the soul that animates our body, and second, that there is a single intellect existing separately that suffices for all people. Brief as it is, this work puts into play all the significant strands of Thomas's teaching on man - historical doctrinal, philosophical, and theological. It is a valuable source for discussing Thomas's views on the relationship between Aristotle and Christianity and puts to rest the misleading claim that Thomas baptized Aristotle." The introduction places the work historically and sketches the controversy to which it was a contribution. Part 2 includes the Latin Leonine text and McInerny's translation. Part 3 analyzes the basic arguments of Thomas's work and provides a series of interpretive essays meant to make Thomas accessible to today's readers. (shrink)

"De unitate intellectus contra Averroistas" from Thomas Aquinas. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), sanctus, doctor Ecclesiae catholicae, theologus italianus et philosophus mediaevalis.

L'objet des conférences ici rassemblées est de réfléchir sur les limites du dialogue entre pensée médiévale et pensée moderne en se concentrant sur une difficulté récurrente de la sémantique des propositions : la question de la référence vide, proposant ainsi une histoire des théories du signifié prépositionnel.

La relación entre Santo Tomás de Aquino y el Maestro Eckhart es un tema complejo, especialmente en lo referido a la noética. Nuestro trabajo explora la posibilidad de establecer conexiones y diferencias a partir del ejemplo noético del muro usado por el Aquinate en De unitate intellectus, y al cual Eckhart hace referencia en algunas de sus obras. Se ofrece un análisis del ejemplo del muro y su uso por parte de Eckhart en algunos de sus sermones y (...) tratados. A partir de ahí, se concluye que la perspectiva de Eckhart, si bien conoce la posición del Aquinate, supera los esquemas tomistas. (shrink)

Este artículo pretende realizar un repaso por la historiografía de la noción de averroísmo latino, desde los primeros trabajos de E. Renan hasta las investigaciones más recientes. Se destaca la falta de acuerdo entre las distintas posiciones y las grandes dificultades de definición que ésta categoría ha comportado para los historiadores de la filosofía durante los dos últimos siglos.

The explicitly psychological works of Siger which are universally accepted as genuine are the Quaestiones in librum tertium de anima, the Tractatus de anima intellectiva, and the De intellectu. Siger’s Quaestiones in librum tertium de anima, which were written sometime between 1265 and 1270, may have been the occasion for Saint Thomas’ De unitate intellectus contra Averroistas, which was issued in 1270. Some of the doctrines contained in them are also to be found in Stephen (...) Tempier’s condemnation of the same year. The distinguished Italian historian of medieval and Renaissance philosophy, the late Bruno Nardi, proved that Siger’s immediate reply to Thomas’ attack was his now lost De intellectu, a work that we know primarily from excerpts and paraphrases to be found in various works of the Renaissance philosopher, Agostino Nifo. While this reply was probably written almost immediately after the appearance of Thomas’ opusculum, that is, in 1270 or 1271, Siger authored yet another reply, the Tractatus de anima intellectiva, which Fernand Van Steenberghen has dated as written in 1272 or 1273. A brief examination of these various works and of Siger’s questions on the Liber de causis, which were written between 1273 and 1276, will make evident the evolution of Siger’s ideas on the soul and the intellect that resulted from his careful study of Saint Thomas’ opusculum. (shrink)

This article analyzes the analogy made between Intellectus Agens and light, used by Aristotle in De Anima III, 5, commented by Aquinas. The investigation focuses on St. Thomas commentary, mainly on the limits of such analogy. It is shown how Thomas Aquinas is forced, in order to avoid the divinization of the Intellectus Agens, to bring a neoplatonic element to the discussion, incompatible with the Aristotelian spirit. References to the optic theories of Aristotle and Aquinas are (...) made. It is discussed what it means to say that the Intellectus Agens is an act. Finally, it is shown why does the nature of the Intellectus Agens demand an intervention of the Separate Substances. The discussion focuses on the Sententia super De anima, and recurs to other works, mainly: Quaestiones disputatae De Anima, Summa Contra Gentiles, Summa Theologiae, De unitate intellectus contra Averroistas and De substantiis separatis ad fratrem Reginaldum. /// O presente artigo analisa a analogia entre o Intellectus Agens e a luz, analogia essa utilizada por Aristóteles em De anima iii, 5 e comentada por S. Tomás de Aquino. O estudo centra-se no comentário de S. Tomás, insistindo de modo particular nos limites dessa analogia. Em particular, mostra-se de que modo o Aquinate se vê obrigado, para evitar a divinização do Intellectus Agens, a introduzir um elemento neoplatónico, incompatível com o espírito aristotélico. O artigo refere as teorias ópticas de Aristóteles e de S. Tomás. Depois analisa o que significa o Intellectus Agens como acto. Finalmente, mostra por que razão a natureza do Intellectus Agens exige a intervenção das Substâncias Separadas. A discussão está centrada no Sententiae super De anima, mas recorre também a obras como as Quaestiones disputatae De Anima, a Summa Contra Gentiles, a Summa Theologiae, De unitate intellectus contra Averroistas e De substantiis separatis ad fratrem Reginaldum. (shrink)

¿Cuál es el objeto de nuestro conocimiento? ¿Qué es lo que de hecho conocemos? Este problema epistemológico fue uno de los ejes de las discusiones filosóficas suscitadas dentro del aristotelismo del siglo XIII, y Tomás de Aquino no sólo fue uno de los principales protagonistas de esa querelle filosófica, sino que ha escrito, incluso, alguno de esos capítulos centrales. Uno de esos capítulos es el así llamado ‘‘averroísmo latino’’, fuertemente criticado por Tomás en varias obras, especialmente en el De (...) class='Hi'>unitate intellectus contra averroistas. Este artículo examina algunos de los argumentos mediante los cuales Tomás no sólo procura refutar la epistemología de Averroes, sino que, además, postula y desarrolla algunas tesis luego consideradas como características del ‘‘averroísmo’’. Más específicamente, el artículo llama la atención acerca del modo en que Tomás (mal)interpreta la teoría de Averroes del intellectum speculativum (objeto del conocimiento) en términos de su propia teoría de la species intelligibilis (medio o instrumento del conocimiento). (shrink)

This article examines the third objection of Chapter Five of the opusculum De unitate intellectus of Saint Thomas. This section offers a summary of Thomist gnoseology and the most important arguments regarding the unity of the intellect. It also represents a true milestone in Western Philosophy, by specifying the object of intellection and the distinction between id quod intelligitur and in quo intelligitur, fundamental themes in the context of moderate realism in comparison with the other currents of (...) the theory of knowledge. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:AQUINAS ON REINCARNATION MARIE I. GEORGE St. John's University Jamaica, New York I. INTRODUCTION AQUINAS EXPLICITLY addresses the question of whether reincarnation is possible on numerous occasions.1 Not surprisingly, his most extensive and subtle treatment of the subject is found in a work addressed to nonChristians, the Summa Contra Gentiles. Aquinas took it to be his duty as Christian philosopher to address errors which were apt to have (...) a detrimental effect on the faith of Christian believers.2 In this spirit I have undertaken the task of presenting Aquinas's philosophical arguments against reincarnation. For nowadays belief in reincarnation is becoming increasingly widespread, even among Christians, in spite of the fact that it is incompatible with belief in the resurrection of the body. My treatment of the matter will necessarily be summary, both because of the large number of arguments which Aquinas proffers, and because a full understanding of Aquinas's arguments presupposes an understanding of his teachings on natural philosophy, and especially on the soul. 1 A partial listing of the works in which Aquinas discusses reincarnation is as follows: In Super Evangelium S. Matthaei, ed. P. Raphaelis Cai, O.P. (Turin: Marietti, 1951), n. 925, Aquinas refers to transmigrationem animae. Reference is made to the Pythagorean fables on the subject in In Aristotelis Librum De Anima Commentarium (Turin: Marietti, 1959), n. 131 (hereafter cited as De Anima). Extended discussions of reincarnation are found in Summa Contra Gentiles (hereafter cited as ScG), II, c. 83, ed. C. Pera, O.P., et al. (Turin: Marietti, 1961), and in Scriptum super Sententiis (hereafter cited as Sent.), IV, d. 44, q. l, a. 1 (Paris: Lethielleux, 1956). The Index Thomisticus indicates that the word "metempsychoseos" is used twice in the Catena Aurea (Matt.), but does not appear in any of Aquinas's own writings. 2 Cf. De Unitate Intellectus Contra Averroistas. 33 34 MARIE I. GEORGE What is reincarnation? The problem in attempting to understand and to form a proper judgment about the idea of reincarnation stems from the fact that this word designates a cluster of disparate beliefs and doctrines, some popular, some philosophical, others religious. If reincarnation has always figured prominently in the religious and cultural fabric of Eastern thought, it has been less present in the West. In spite of some precedents in the past, it is only really quite recently that this idea has been gaining ground here, although in forms quite different from those of the East. The question, then, is a vast one. For this reason, among others, we intend to limit our consideration to those versions for which Western philosophers have offered a defense. Their claim is that upon death the spirits of at least certain people enter into other human bodies (generally those of newly conceived infants), or even into the bodies of lower life forms. Moreover, it is usually maintained that the kind of being one's spirit will enter after death depends upon how one has lived one's previous life. One might thus return as a queen, or as a poor and miserable person, or even as a slug, in correspondence to the goodness or evilness of one's former life. Aquinas's arguments against reincarnation are of two sorts. Sometimes he argues against what he calls the roots of a given version of the theory:' What he means by roots are positions the acceptance of which render reincarnation necessary or plausible. In showing that the roots are unsound, Aquinas refutes a given account of reincarnation, but does not refute the basic doctrine as such, for there may be some other account that would justify the belief. The other sort of argument which Aquinas gives positively establishes that reincarnation is impossible. We intend to consider here both sorts of argument.4 'Cf. IV Sent., d. 44, q. I, a. 1, sol. 1. 4 Note that Aquinas does not address the religious versions of the theory with the exception of Plato's theory which can be considered religious to the extent that it is derived from the Pythagorean mysteries. Aquinas interests himself in those theories known to him that both offer a rational account and have some plausibility. AQUINAS ON... (shrink)

La conflictiva recepción del corpus aristotélico en el mundo latino hacia el s. XIII es bien conocida. En ese período, asistimos, entre otras cosas, tanto a diversas condenas universitarias como a la conformación de lo que podrían considerarse “facciones” respecto de la doctrina del Estagirita. Tal vez uno de los textos que causó mayor revuelo fue el De anima. De todo lo que se ha escrito sobre el tema, nos interesa particularmente el De unitate intellectus contra (...) class='Hi'>averroistas de Tomás de Aquino. Y es que allí el Aquinate se encarga no sólo de explicitar su propia postura, sino también de retomar las tesis de sus opositores. Ahora bien, puesto que un análisis exhaustivo es incompatible con el propósito de esta comunicación, nos centraremos puntualmente en las objeciones que, en el capítulo III, hace a la teoría de Siger de Brabante acerca de la unión del alma intelectiva con el cuerpo y su relación con el conocimiento humano. A fin de cuentas, tal como se verá más adelante, es este aspecto puntual el que más le molesta, puesto que las consecuencias que se derivan de ello exceden el ámbito metafísico e, incluso el gnoseológico, repercutiendo directamente tanto en la ética en general como en la fe cristiana en particular. (shrink)

Aquinas puts forward two different, and conflicting, interpretations of Themistius’s account of the intellect. In his earlier interpretation of Themistius, Aquinas understands him to hold the position that both the possible and agent intellect are separate and incorruptible, existing apart from individual human souls but shared in by individual souls in the process of knowing. In De unitate intellectus contra averroistas, however, Aquinas radically departs from this reading, hailing Themistius as a genuine interpreter of the Peripatetic (...) position, while decrying Averroes’s perversion of both Themistius and Aristotle. This paper examines these competing interpretations of Themistius’s account of the intellect in his Commentary on the De anima of Aristotle, focusing on two issues central to its interpretation: (1) the nature of intellect insofar as it is separate, impassive, and unmixed, and (2) whether the productive intellect is one or many. (shrink)

Ralph McInerny's translation of Aquinas's polemical opusculum, De unitate intellectus contra Averroistas, is part of a new series of texts whose purpose is, as the cover announces, to "present well-edited basic texts to be used in courses and seminars and for teachers looking for a succinct exposition of the results of recent research." McInerny's volume, with its facing page Latin text and English translation, fulfills the first goal in exemplary fashion; but the interpretive essays fall somewhat (...) short of presenting "up-to-date commentary" on Aquinas's text and the positions it attacks. (shrink)

Resumo: A finalidade deste trabalho é destacar importância e o legado do dominicano Alberto Magno na controvérsia com os defensores da unicidade do intelecto possível para todo o gênero humano. Para tanto, será feita uma apresentação sumária do seu tratado De unitate intellectus, redigido em 1263. Após uma contextualização histórica que apresenta a posição do bispo de Regensburg diante das teses averroístas, procurar-se-á mostrar como ele foi o inspirador, quanto a essa questão, de um dos seus alunos mais (...) brilhantes: Tomás de Aquino. Além disso, deseja-se frisar como, para o Doctor Universalis, a contribuição de Averróis se revelasse indispensável: este soube indicar, com efeito, a maneira correta segundo a qual o intelecto devia ser considerado “imaterial”, embora sua conclusão da existência de um único intelecto possível para todo gênero humano fosse inaceitável.: The purpose of this paper is to highlight the importance and the legacy of the Dominican Albertus Magnus in the controversy with the defenders of the possible unity of the intellect of all mankind. To this end, a brief presentation of his treatise De unitate intellectus, written in 1263, will be given. After a historical contextualization that presents the Bishop of Regensburg’s position in relation to Averroism, it will be shown how he inspired one of his most brilliant students, Thomas Aquinas, with regard to this topic. Moreover, it is pointed out that, for the Doctor Universalis, Averroes’ contribution proved indispensable: the latter was able to indicate the correct way in which the intellect should be considered “immaterial”, although his conclusion that there was a possible single intellect for all mankind was unacceptable. (shrink)

I. Opuscoli: De principiis naturae, De ente et essentia. Testi scelti: De deo uno,savedeo creatori.--II. Opuscolo De unitate intellectus. Testi scelti de homine.

This article reviews De unitate intellectus – Über die Einzigkeit des Intellekts 84 Euro978-3-7728-2840-9.

L'auteur montre que la demonstration aristotelicienne du principe de non-contradiction se joue sur le terrain de la psychologie. Le livre Gamma de la Metaphysique renvoie au traite De l'ame et c'est a une theorie de l'enonciation qu'aboutit Aristote: l'unite offerte par l'acte d'affirmer etant, selon lui, l'expression non seulement de l'unite, mais encore de l'individualite du sujet.

After a methodological premise defining the state of the art as regards the relationship between Albert the Great and the Magistri Artium tradition on De anima, this article examines the second part of De unitate intellectus (ed. Coloniensis 1975), in which Albert expounds the rationes in contrarium to the thesis of the unicity of the intellect. In parallel, an analysis is conducted of the Sed contra section of q. 77 (membr. III), tract. XIII, pars II, of the (...) Summa Theologiae (ed. Borgnet 1895). Beginning with an examination of the formal structure of these sections from the two works and a detailed survey of some of the rationes laid out therein, the article highlights both the aspects common to the two redactions and those which most distinguish them, so as to formulate some hypotheses regarding the reasons and methods behind this reworking carried out by Albert. (shrink)

La Universidad de París en la Europa de finales del siglo XIII fue centro de acaloradas discusiones acerca del alma del hombre. La cuestión del alma es el punto doctrinal central y se muestra decisivo porque en la resolución de este único punto puede verse el trasfondo antropológico y metafísico de toda una cosmovisión filosófica e incluso teológica del universo. Una de las más problemáticas cuestiones que se plantearon acerca del alma es el problema de la unidad del intelecto para (...) todos los hombres. Parecería contradictorio pensar que todos los hombres piensan con un único intelecto, pero a su vez suena absurdo afirmar que un principio espiritual, inmaterial, se una a un cuerpo por un tiempo determinado para luego separarse. Ambas posiciones surgen de la consideración de nuevos textos llegados a las manos de los pensadores parisinos a través de autores árabes: los textos del De anima de Aristóteles. (shrink)

Communication about diagnosis and medical treatment for children suffering from life-threatening illnesses is complex. It is a primary step in involving underage patients and families in care and lays the foundation for obtaining parental permission and patient assent for treatment. In practice child participation in care is often difficult to obtain due to patients' different and sometimes fluctuating preferences, but also parents' protective strategies. Physicians may be susceptible to parental wishes to limit information and feel uncomfortable discussing issues related to (...) uncertainty of cure with patients. A qualitative study in Romanian paediatric oncology units was conducted to explore children's involvement from the perspectives of parents and oncologists. Interviews with participants discussed 18 patient cases. Data were transcribed and thematic analysis was used to interpret and mine patients' involvement during treatment. Different facets of patient participation were identified: restricting, widening and enhancing involvement. A fourth category, unintentional involvement, occurred for all patients due to children's observations during long-term hospitalisations and access to Internet. Uncertainty overarched parental attitudes regarding the extent to which children should be included. Physicians usually complied with parental wishes to limit involvement, but together with parents involved patients at least in a practical way. Adults' protective attitude may backfire, as adolescents' online searches often expose patients to worse-case scenarios. Further research should acknowledge the hazards of restricted diagnosis disclosure and develop clinician tools to support families in communicating with patients. This should be paralleled by physician efforts to elicit patients' needs regarding participation. (shrink)

De Cive ("On the citizen") is one of Thomas Hobbes's major works. "The book was published originally in Latin from Paris in 1642, followed by two further Latin editions in 1647 from Amsterdam. The English translation of the work made its first appearance four years later (London 1651) under the title 'Philosophicall rudiments concerning government and society'."The work anticipates themes of the better-known Leviathan. The famous phrase bellum omnium contra omnes ("war of all against all") appeared first in (...) De Cive. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:THE EUCHARISTIC THEOLOGIES OF LAUDA SION AND THOMAS AQUINAS'S SUMMA THEOLOGIAE THOMAS J. BELL Emory University Atlanta, Georgia MANY works associated with Thomas Aquinas stand both the Office and Mass for the Feast of Corpus Christi.1 The earliest witness to this association comes from two of Thomas's Dominican brothers and younger contemporaries, Tolomeo of Lucca and William of Tocco. Around 1317 Tolomeo wrote in his (...) Historia Ecclesiastica: " Thomas composed [the Corpus Christi Office] in full, including the lessons and all the parts to be recited by day or night; the Mass, too, and whatever has to be sung on the day." 2 William, in his Historia beati Thomae completed around 1320, lists the liturgy of Corpus Christi among Thomas's works and informs us that Thomas wrote the liturgy " at the request of Pope Urban [IV]." 3 It is known that on August 11, 1264, Urban, in the bull Transiturus, declared that the Feast of Corpus Christi was to be celebrated throughout Christendom according to a "new, Roman," liturgy.4 Thomas had returned from Paris to Italy, his 1 This does not mean that Thomas created the liturgy for the feast de nova. Rather it means that Thomas selected and combined older elements from the Scriptures, the Fathers, and existing liturgies, only venturing to write from scratch those hymns and prayers necessary for expressing the theological and devotional views central to the Feast of Corpus Christi. In other words, Thomas wrote or pieced together texts " proper " to the feast and united them with the " ordinary " texts of the Mass and Office. 2 James A. Weisheipl, Friar Thomas d'Aquino: His Life, Thought and Works (Washington, D.C., 1974), p. 177. a Ibid., pp. 132, 177. 4 Ibid., pp. 179, 183. For a partial translation of the bull Transiturus see also Darwell Stone, A History of the Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist (London, 1909), vol. 1, 344-46. This "new, Roman" liturgy promulgated by Urban IV was, indeed, a new 163 164 THOMAS J. BELL homeland, five years before the bull was published. Furthermore, by 1264 he had developed a "warm friendship" with Urban, whom we know to have commissioned Thomas to write several works between 1261 and 1265.5 These facts have led most scholars since the early fourteenth century to conclude that Urban's "new" liturgy was the work of Thomas.6 In recent years, however, Cyrille Lambot has questioned whether Thomas wrote or compiled the liturgy promulgated by Urban. He has noted that Reginald of Piperno, Thomas's amanuensis and companion from 1259 to 1274, did not include the liturgy for Corpus Christi in his list of Thomas's works. Moreover, the Dominican Order, like most Orders and dioceses, did not adopt Urban's liturgy for the Feast of Corpus Christi until 1317, when John XXII required its use throughout Western Christendom.7 If Thomas had written the liturgy, argues liturgy composed for the celebration of Corpus Christi. Around 1246 a certain John, a religious of Mont-Cornillon, had compiled a liturgy for the " Body of the Lord " that was in place throughout the diocese of Liege. Being so impressed by the solemnities of the Liege eucharistic celebration, Hugh of Saint-Cher, a Dominican and the cardinal legate of Germany, declared in 1252 that the feast of Corpus Christi was to be celebrated throughout the territory under his leadership. Jacques Pantaleon, the future Urban IV, knew the solemnities of Liege from his time as the city's archdeacon. It seems that upon his election as Pope, Urban was urged by many people to establish the Feast throughout Christendom. Eventually he did this with the publication of the bull Transiturus. For more details, see Weisheipl, Friar Thomas d'Aquino, pp. 178-79. 0 Weisheipl, Friar Thomas d'Aquino, p. 147. 6 The liturgy for the Feast of Corpus Christi that is associated with Thomas is not identical with the one currently used in both the Roman rite and Dominican rite. The modern texts for the Feast reflect the liturgical reforms that have occurred since Thomas's day. Notwithstanding these reforms, the Mass for the Feast (Cibavit eos), which includes Lauda Sion, has for the most part... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:ROBERT ORFORD'S ATTACK ON GILES OF ROME I N TWO PREVIOUS ARTICLES, I tried to demonstrate how Robert Orford drew upon the thought of Giles of Rome in order to formulate his own explanation of hylomorphism and the so-called real distinction between essence and existence.1 Orford, it will be remembered, was one of the earliest disciples of his colleague St. Thomas Aquinas, and-more important- is the first 'llhomist (...) we know of who turned to Giles in order to gain an understanding of these basic philosophic problems, and who wove Giles's ideas into his own elaboration of what he took to be St. Thomas's position regarding them. In view of this recognition of Giles as an appropriate guide to a Thomist grasp of these issues, it is surprising to find among Orford's works the Reprobationes dfotorUJn a fratre Egidio in primum Sententiarum.2 The Reprobationes is a strange document. In it, as I shall show later, Orford seeks every opportunity to find fault with Giles. Indeed, his criticisms, hardly ever of any substance, are at times so "picky" they cause the reader to wonder as to his real purpose in writing them down in the first place. In this article, I shall review the historical context of the Reprobationes and try to show what it was about Giles of Rome that so irritated the Dominican Orford. The early catalogues contain no more than two entries for 1 See F. Kelley, "The Egidean influence in Robert Orford's doctrine on Form", Thomist, 47, 1, January, 1983, pp. 77-99, and "Two early English Thomists: Thomas Sutton and Robert Orford vs. Henry of Ghent", Thomist, 45, 3, July, 1981, pp. 345-387. 2 This work is extant in one manuscript, viz. MS. Merton 276, fol. 20ra50ra. It has been edited by A. Vella: Robert d'Orford Reprobationes dictorum a fratre Egidio in primum Sententiarum, Paris, 1968. 70 ROBERT ORFORD'S ATTACK ON GILES OF ROME 71 Orford.3 However, from references he made in his extant writings, viz., Sciendum, Contra dicta Henrici and Reprobationes, we know the titles at least of some of his other writings. As one might have expected, Orford wrote commentaries on the books of the Sentences. In addition to the references to these commentaries he mentions also a De unitate formae, Super 2 de sommo et vigilia, Super 6 de M etaphysica and De generatione. We know of Orford's part in certain disputed questions and of his sermon in rn93. Finally, we have offered our reasons elsewhere for attributing to him the opuscule entitled De natura materiae et dimensionibus interminatis.4 From the mere fact that Orford saw the necessity of writing against Giles of Rome in defense of St. Thomas Aquinas, one might have thought that in Giles one had found an antagonist of the Angelic Doctor. For a long time Giles was taken to have been not an adversary but rather a stout defender of his teacher, St. Thomas.5 The picture of Giles of Rome as the loyal Thomist, the legend as it has more recently been labelled, derived in no small measure from the erroneous ascription to him of the work which is in fact Richard Knapwell's, viz. Correctivum corruptorii 'Quare '.6 Once this mistaken ascription had been corrected and further study was done, mainly by E. Hocedez, Giles no longer appeared as having been the staunch and loyal Thomist of the legend. On the contrary, Hocedez says of him: Gilles decidement n'est pas le thomiste, clans le sens profond du mot, qui s'est donne Thomas pour Maitre et guide de sa pensee: a For a full account of what the catalogues have under Orford's name, see A. Vella, "Robert of Orford and his place in the scholastic controversies at Oxford in the late xiiith century" (Oxford Univ. B.Litt. thesis 1946), MS. B.Litt., c. 30, vol. 1, Bodleian Library, pp. 12-27. 4 See F. Kelley," The Egidean influence", pp. 90-96. 5 See F. Lajard, "Gilles de Rome", Histoire litteraire de la France, 30 (1888), pp. 421-566. 6 "Nous croyons que ce qui a le plus contribue a faire... (shrink)

Aun cuando Trágame tierra2 (1969), de Lizandro Chávez Alfaro (1929-2006), es reconocida como la primera novela contemporánea nicaragüense, sigue ocupando un lugar marginal en el panorama de la crítica latinoamericana. Las lecturas que se le han hecho tienden a enfatizar cómo retrata los esfuerzos revolucionarios contra la dictadura somocista, dando poca importancia al elemento regional que Chávez Alfaro desarrolla, en particular el mundo cultural de la llamada Costa Atlántica. Este artículo analiza la novela a partir de una perspectiva transcultural, (...) guiada por las elaboraciones teóricas de Ángel Rama, con el objetivo de problematizar cómo introduce la otredad cultural del Caribe nicaragüense en el discurso letrado nacional. Se centra en las diversas formas de representar el choque entre la modernización estatal y la diferencia cultural caribeña, en particular las representaciones de sujetos subalternos, la pluralidad de nombres y las tensiones presentadas entre la oralidad y la escritura. Se argumenta que estos elementos forman las piezas de una narrativa transculturadora que destaca la inherente conflictividad de toda simbiosis cultural. (shrink)

Thomas Windisch Problème fondamental de la tradition philosophique occidentale, la justification de l’existence du mal dans le monde est un thème inépuisable pour le philosophe. Particulièrement d’actualité au moment où les effets directs et indirects de la pandémie mondiale de COVID-19 n’épargnent personne, la forme de ce questionnement a évolué au fil des révolutions philosophiques. Le présent article tente de se replacer à la fin du xviiie siècle pour prolonger la parole du poète Friedrich Hölderlin à partir d’une réinterprétation (...) du mal kantien. En adoptant une perspective à la fois philosophique et littéraire, il est possible de démontrer comment le concept d’unité, compris à l’aune du Beau, se révèle en tant que cause irrémédiable, mais justifiée, du mal vécu par l’humain. À partir de son roman Hypérion, Hölderlin nous proposerait une théodicée tacite qui, sans renier les critères épistémologiques de la philosophie kantienne, lui échapperait, autant qu’à toute justification exclusivement philosophique de l’existence du mal tentée depuis la modernité. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in (...) the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

En esta réplica a la crítica que Sergio Martínez hace de nuestro artículo "Una teoría combinatoria de las representaciones científicas" sostenemos que su posición está basada en una aceptación acrítica de algunas dicotomías tradicionales y en una interpretación algo distorsionada de la historia de la filosofía. Indicamos que el enfoque expuesto en UTC no puede calificarse de formalista. En filosofía de la ciencia la distinción entre el enfoque "formalista" y el "historicista" es ya obsoleta. Por ello, tanto las herramientas formales (...) como las informales son de utilidad en la elucidación del concepto de representación, concepto clave de UTC. Además, sostenemos que los argumentos que Martínez recaba de la historia de la filosofía contra nuestro enfoque no son atinados. \\\ In this reply to Martínez's discussion of our paper "Una teoría combinatoria de las representaciones científicas" we argue that his criticism is informed by the uncritical acceptance of some traditional dichotomies and a rather distorted interpretation of the history of philosophy. We point out that UTC should not be characterized as a formalist approach. The distinction between "formalist" and "historicist" accounts in philosophy of science is obsolete. Henee, formal and informal means are useful for the explication of the concept of representation to be considered as a key concept of UTC. Moreover, we argue that the arguments from history of philosophy Martínez launches against our account are ill-founded. (shrink)

Edmund Burke is considered the father of conservatism. With his ‘Reflections on the French Revolution’ (1790), Burke presented a work that was already controversial at the time of its publication. In Burke’s understanding, people and their social institutions are historical beings that are subject to change but unchanging in the face of all change. The central concept in Burke’s argument is heritage, which encompasses both collective, historical memory and social organisation, and specifically refers to constitutional traditions. Society is hierarchically structured (...) and forms an organic unit based on a necessary balance between the principles of continuity and regeneration. According to Burke, the state is the coagulated historical rationality of people who must be taken at least as seriously as contemporaries in their efforts to shape a good order. With contributions by Michael Becker, Norbert Campagna, Oliver Hidalgo, Jürgen Kamm, Skadi Siiri Krause, Thomas Lau, Ulrich Niggemann, Henning Ottmann, Volker Reinhardt and Rüdiger Voigt. (shrink)

Los países de occidente que se han desarrollado están llevando a cabo una guerra contra el terrorismo. O, de modo más preciso: los gobiernos de algunos de estos países conducen una guerra contra los terroristas. Este esfuerzo bélico se incrementó de manera drástica después de los ataques terroristas del 11 de septiembre, que mataron más o menos 3000 personas en Nueva York, Virginia y Pennsylvania. El más notable ataque anterior a éstos, fue el del carro-bomba en las embajadas (...) de Estados Unidos en Dar es Salaam y en Nairobi el 7 de agosto de 1998, que mató cerca de 257 personas, incluyedo a 12 ciudadanos estadounidenses. Desde el ataque del 11 de septiembre, 202 personas, incluyendo a 88 australianos, fueron asesinadas en Kuta en la isla de Bali, en indonesia, el 12 de octubre de 2002; unas 191 personas murieron en el ataque con bombas en Madrid, el 11 de marzo de 2004; y el ataque terrorista del 7 de julio, en Londres, dejó 52 personas muertas. ¿Porqué hacer la guerra contra estos terroristas? [Fragmento]. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be (...) preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)